Download The Grammar of Q: Q-Particles, Wh-Movement, and Pied-Piping by Seth Cable PDF

By Seth Cable

The Grammar of Q places forth a unique syntactic and semantic research of wh-questions, one who is predicated upon in-depth research of the Tlingit language, an endangered and under-documented language of North the USA. a tremendous final result of this new method is that the phenomenon classically dubbed "pied-piping" doesn't truly exist.Cable starts by way of arguing that wh-fronting in Tlingit doesn't contain a syntactic dating among interrogative C and the wh-word. relatively, it consists of a probe/Agree relation among C and an overt "Q-particle" (or "Q") c-commanding the wh-word. Fronting of the wh-word in Tlingit is an insignificant derivative of fronting the QP projected by means of this Q. From this middle commentary, he develops a syntax and semantics for Tlingit wh-questions.Given the powerful similarity among the wh-constructions of Tlingit and people of extra extensively studied languages, Cable applies his research to various different languages and reveals that this type of "Q-based" idea holds a few fascinating effects in syntax and semantics.

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Additional info for The Grammar of Q: Q-Particles, Wh-Movement, and Pied-Piping (Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax)

Example text

It However, if the left periphery of a multiple wh-question has the structure in (58), then the simplest algorithm for probing would incorrectly derive the ill-formed, superiority-violating orders in (59). The lowest CWH head would probe first, attracting the highest wh-word in the IP. Only later will the higher CWH head probe for a wh-word, and by this time, the only ‘visible’ wh-word left in the clause will be the lower wh-word not probed by the first CWH head. The structure in (60) illustrates.

7 that this apparently syntactic condition on the placement of these particles follows from a particular semantic theory of Q-particles and wh-words. 3 Q-Particles and Extraction Islands One of the most intriguing similarities between Tlingit sá and Sinhala da concerns their behavior with respect to islands. As described in Hagstrom (1998) and Kishimoto (2005), the wh-operator of a Sinhala wh-question may be contained inside an island if and only if the Q-particle da is merged outside the island.

It seems likely, then, that sentences like (11c) possess some special discoursestructural property. That this property is the ‘topichood’ of the material preceding the wh-word comports well with a number of other facts. First, in all the naturally occurring instances of noninitial wh-operators I have encountered, the material preceding the wh-operator is a referential expression. The following two examples illustrate the general pattern. (20) Textually Attested Examples of the Order [ XP . . Wh-Operator .

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