By Norbert Corver, Henk Van Riemsdijk
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Additional resources for Studies on Scrambling: Movement and Non-Movement Approaches to Free Word-Order Phenomena
Daß der Heinrich [VP Socken [VP im Sommer keine anzieht]] While adjunction of a bare plural DP to IP, as in (19b), seems to be borderline, adjunction to VP as in (19c) is truly offending. If QF were derived by scrambling to an adjoined position, the well-formedness of (18b, c) would be surprising. We conclude - contrary to Giusti's proposal - that if German QF is derived by movement at all, it must be derived by movement to an Α-position. 15 Thus, given there is already a Case position in Dstructure, why should the DP have to move to some SpecAGR-position in order to pick up Case?
Acceptability decreases quite sharply. At this moment, the conclusions for the grammar of parasitic gaps remain unclear. 8. With respect to Dutch, Neeleman (this volume) has made analogous observations. 9. See den Besten et al. (1988), den Besten — Rutten (1989), Bayer — Kornfilt (1990) as well as Santorini (this volume). 10. Note that ultimately we shall not be assuming a trace where an empty category is indicated here, since we will propose a base-generated, non-movement account for scrambling structures.
4. Prosody An obvious surface reflex of this difference is that adjunction to IP creates a prosodic break which is clearly absent in the scrambling of an object-NP. Consider the following examples in (10) where # marks the break: (10)a. ' b. Πdaß den Heinrich # niemand ausstehen kann. c. that Henry nobody can stand, d. that Henry # nobody can stand. (10a) is naturally packaged into a single intonation phrase with phrasal stress on ausstehen. A prosodic break after the 24 Josef Bayer — Jaklin Kornfilt scrambled NP as in (10b) is rather awkward.