By Kathryn A. Sloan
Opposed to the backdrop of nineteenth-century Oaxaca urban, Kathryn Sloan analyzes rapto trials--cases of abduction and/or seduction of a minor--to achieve perception past the particular crime and into the truth that tales through mom and dad, their little ones, and witnesses display approximately courtship practices, generational clash, the negotiation of honor, and the connection among the nation and its working-class electorate in put up colonial Mexico.
Unlike the colonial period the place paternal rule was once absolute, Sloan came upon that the kingdom started to usurp parental authority in the house with the advent of liberal reform legislation. As those legislation started to form the phrases of civil marriage, the court performed a extra major function within the answer of familial energy struggles and the recovery of kinfolk honor in rapto situations. Youths may perhaps now exert a degree of independence through saying their rights to marry whom they wanted. In analyzing those starting to be rifts among the liberal kingdom and familial order inside of its decrease order electorate, Sloan highlights the function that youths and the operating category performed in refashioning structures of marriage, honor, sexuality, parental authority, and filial obedience.
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Extra resources for Runaway Daughters: Seduction, Elopement, and Honor in Nineteenth-Century Mexico
The vinagres were men not only from the city’s elite but also from the middling sectors of society. They feared the oligarchy and subscribed to a conspiracy theory that the aceites had aligned with Spaniards to retake Mexico. Both groups found common ground in promoting federalism, a national conflict pitting those desiring more centralized control in the national capital versus those that advocated for greater states’ rights and autonomy. 41 Virulent clashes, sometimes leading to bloodshed, characterized politics in Oaxaca from 1828–1835.
Nevertheless, textile manufacture in Oaxaca remained an artisan activity performed chiefly in indigenous villages, and many other products also continued to be produced as artisan activities and small-scale manufacture, outpacing factory production. According to a statewide employment census of 1900, Oaxacan women worked in a variety of occupations. 53 Women also found employment in Oaxaca City’s cigar and cigarette factories as well as in some of its other factories. In the rapto cases, women reported that they earned income picking coffee beans and fruit, processing food for sale, cleaning houses and offices, providing childcare, and sewing dresses for the city’s elite.
The Mixteca Alta raised cochineal insects, whose crushed bodies exuded a red pigment much coveted in the textile centers of Europe. The region also raised sheep and hogs and sent wheat and sugar to Antequera. The Zapotec Valley, south of the colonial capital, produced and exported maize, pulque (fermented cactus juice), and 18 | chapter one some silver to the major cities of New Spain. The Villa Alta district traded in cochineal, silver, but especially thousands of cotton mantas (bolts of cloth) sent to Mexico City and mining towns in northern New Spain.