Download Psychiatry and the Business of Madness: An Ethical and by B. Burstow PDF

By B. Burstow

Psychiatry and the company of insanity deconstructs psychiatric discourse and perform, exposes the self-interest on the middle of the psychiatric/psychopharmacological firm, and demonstrates that psychiatry is epistemologically and ethically irredeemable. Burstow's scientific and ancient examine and in-depth interviews show that the paradigm is untenable, that psychiatry is pseudo-medicine, that the "treatments" don't "correct" problems yet reason them. Burstow essentially demanding situations our correct to incarcerate or another way subdue these we discover distressing. She invitations the reader to reconsider how society addresses those difficulties, and provides concrete feedback for societal transformation, with "services" grounded in the neighborhood. A compelling piece of scholarship, impeccable in its common sense, unwavering in its ethical dedication, and progressive in its implications.

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11 So ended the era of moral treatment. ” This notwithstanding, it is a mistake to idealize moral treatment. It never resolved—nor could it resolve—the thorny issue of coercion at its core. Correspondingly, despite the emphasis on the relationship, even at its best, it was hardly a dialogue. The mad, note, were to be managed—not listened to. Medical Advances, Professionalization, and the State The late eighteenth century was a critical period for Western medicine proper. Access to corpses allowed them to actually see where organs were situated, how disease processes worked.

Laing (1959/1965), who replaces medical concepts with existential ones and argues that “symptoms” might be best seen as solutions to social and interpersonal dilemmas; psychiatrist Peter Breggin (1983 and 1979), who puts forth the hypothesis that there is a one-to-one correlation between the “effectiveness” of psychiatric treatments and the brain damage produced; Howard Becker (1963) and Erving Goffman (1961), members of a groundbreaking group of sociologists known as “labeling theorists,” who demonstrated convincingly that labels and professionals play a central role in creating “deviance”16 ; journalist Robert Whitaker (2010 and 2002), whose extensive research into the relationship between psychiatry and the multinational pharmaceutical industry has revealed conflicts of interest of staggering proportions; feminists Phyllis Chesler (1972), Elaine Showalter (1987), and Paula Caplan (1995) for tracing the construction of woman as mad; Frantz Fanon (1952/1967), who interrogated the racism and laid bare the colonial enterprise; Kirk and Kutchins (1992) for shedding light on DSM processes; Erik Fabris (2011), a sociologist/psychiatric survivor who highlights the survivor narrative; and psychiatrist David Healy (2009), who has revealed harrowing truths about the psychopharmaceutical industry (note, given their privileged access to confidential material because of their status as expert witnesses in liability suits, Breggin and Healy are especially referenced—albeit Healy, significantly, with respect to drugs only).

As such, Shorter (1997) is correct that the approach to the “mad” was hardly ideal. To label it appalling compared to today is a different matter altogether. What this view ignores is that comparatively few were considered or treated as mad, as contrasted with the billions so treated today. In fact, even as late as the seventeenth century, the famous Bethlehem (Bedlam) Hospital—the sole hospital for “lunatics” in all of England—held fewer than 30 patients. What is likewise apropos, as noted by Southworth (1998), there was a curious paradox at the heart of the medieval/ Renaissance perception of madness.

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