Download Mexican York: Transnational Lives of New Immigrants by Robert Smith PDF

By Robert Smith

Drawing on greater than fifteen years of study, Mexican ny offers an intimate view of globalization because it is lived via Mexican immigrants and their young children in big apple and in Mexico. Robert Courtney Smith's groundbreaking examine sheds new gentle on transnationalism, vividly illustrating how immigrants flow from side to side among long island and their domestic village in Puebla with enormous ease, borrowing from and contributing to either groups as they forge new gender roles; new concepts of social mobility, race, or even early life; and new manufacturers of politics and egalitarianism.

Smith's deeply educated narrative describes how first-generation males who've lived in manhattan for many years turn into very important political leaders of their domestic villages in Mexico. Smith explains how kinfolk among immigrant women and men and their U.S.-born young ones are renegotiated within the context of migration to manhattan and transitority go back visits to Mexico. He illustrates how U.S.-born formative years retain their attachments to Mexico, and the way adjustments in migration and assimilation have mixed to transnationalize either U.S.-born young people and Mexican gangs among long island and Puebla. Mexican big apple profoundly deepens our wisdom of immigration as a social strategy, convincingly exhibiting how a few immigrants dwell and serve as in worlds while and the way transnationalization and assimilation are usually not opposing, yet similar, phenomena.

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In fact, many secondgeneration Mexicans we interviewed ended up getting their first jobs in the same industry as their parents, but often not in the same firm. When parents do help their children get jobs, they are the kinds of entry-level jobs that undocumented immigrants occupy. Yet Mexicans were more niched in 1990 than they were in 1980, and some niche concentrations seem to have grown during the 1990s. In 1990, the census showed that 10 percent of Mexican men worked in restaurants,32 but this percentage has certainly grown, as can be shown by a quick glance into the kitchen of almost any New York restaurant.

38 First-generation Mexicans tend to value the help of their Puerto Rican friends but to lament and fear the social distress Puerto Ricans as a group are thought to experience. In imagining a different future for their own children, Mexicans use the readily available American tool, the immigrant analogy, to posit a racialized difference between themselves and Puerto Ricans. I observed this pattern of regular engagement and intermittent conflict with Puerto Ricans in several Brooklyn neighborhoods with many Ticuanenses.

The changes caused by migration have transformed Ticuani and the Mixteca and affected the dynamics of politics and generation in several ways. First, migration juxtaposes new and old forms of social organization, exacerbates inequalities, and creates new possibilities, including transnational ones, for political and social action. Second, the nature of transnational dynamics changes as the process of migration itself matures. Hence, these transnational ties are durable—meaning that they persist long enough to produce further identifiable social patterns that last at least a decade.

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