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Additional resources for Locality and the Architecture of Syntactic Dependencies

Sample text

If C HL is designed to function as efficiently as possible, it would seem entirely plausible that it would incorporate a mechanism to cancel derivations that C-I cannot read at once instead of allowing doomed derivations to proceed uselessly. Select plays exactly this role. As for specifiers and adjunct positions, I will assume that the only difference between one and the other is whether the position includes an unvalued feature (spec) or not (adjunct). I follow Chomsky (1995) in assuming that the theory of phrase structure does not have any restrictions on how many specs/adjuncts a head can have.

This datum provides evidence that in English T does not assign nominative. This is discussed in Chapter 4. Another empirical advantage of excluding T from the list of Case assigners comes from the phenomenon of agreement with relative pronouns discussed in Kayne (1995) and Van Gelderen (J 997). cf. (24). (23) CP a. ~ C[null] vp b. CP ~ C TP for ~ UP ~ Tl1un-fm vP Agree, Move, A-dependencies c. fin (24) The people who the boy think are in the garden. In (24), T agrees with the relative pronoun instead of EA.

However, since 'there' is -incomplete, there is no intervention effect. Why isn't the same phenomenon happening in (29b)? The second objection is the following. Consider example (29a) at the point when T is ready to probe: (31) T think me[dat] they be industrious At this point, the entire 'me[dat]' chain stands between T and 'they'. It is only later that only a trace stands between T and 'they'. This means that As we know, in Chomsky's system Pied-piping entails a previous Match+Agree relationship - however, it is not clear what feature or features of 'me[datJ' match the unvalued features of T.

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