By S. Vanheule
This booklet seriously evaluates the 5th version of the Diagnostic and Statistical guide of psychological problems (DSM-5). via research of the background of psychiatric analysis and of the instruction manual itself, it argues that the DSM-5 has a slim biomedical method of psychological issues, and proposes a brand new contextualizing version of psychological future health signs.
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Additional resources for Diagnosis and the DSM: A Critical Review
In a later interview he suggested that, with the help of the DSM-III, psychiatry “looked more like a medical specialty” (Spitzer, 2000, in Strand, 2011, p. 300, my italics). In fact this is an interesting remark, as it leaves us wondering whether it actually is a truly biomedical specialty. The second idea that the neo-Kraepelinian psychiatrists promoted is that any further examination of mental disorders should start from “the primary organ of psychiatric illness” (Compton & Guze, 1995, p. 200), that is, the brain.
Overall it was observed that during these years the need for mental health care increased dramatically. 0005 Diagnosis and the DSM Between 1955 and 1971 the number of patients applying for treatment doubled: in 1955 an average of slightly over 1 in 100 of all people had had a treatment episode, while in 1971 the ratio was almost 2 in 100 (Strand, 2011). Despite strong investment in community mental health care and in deinstitutionalization (Grob, 1987), more patients than ever before stayed in psychiatric institutions.
In the late eighteenth century, as positivism imposed itself upon medicine and psychiatry, this disciplinary power relation became less visible. It was still present but veiled under a naturalizing discourse that was henceforth used to explain madness (Kirsher, 2009). As a consequence, in Foucault’s (1965, p. ” In his view, psychiatry did not arise because medical doctors had suddenly discovered an underlying biomedical reality that could be linked to the behaviors of the so-called insane. On the contrary, psychiatry came into existence as it brought its own object into being: disciplinary practices first delineated a group of outcasts that were amenable for adaptation to society, and later defined them as proper objects for scientific study: “What we call psychiatric practice is a certain moral tactic contemporary with the end of the eighteenth century, preserved in the rites of asylum life, and overlaid by the myths of positivism” (Foucault, 1965, p.