By Yoshiki Ogawa
Syntactically talking, it has lengthy been recognized that noun words are parallel to clauses in lots of respects. whereas so much syntactic theories comprise this precept, nouns have in most cases been considered as not as good as verbs when it comes to their licensing skills, and nominal projections were considered as much less advanced than verbal projections by way of the variety of sensible different types that they comprise. Ogawa, in spite of the fact that, argues that clauses and noun words are completely parallel. This publication offers a unified thought of clauses and noun words, finally aiding to simplify a variety of thorny concerns within the syntax/morphology interface.
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Extra info for A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections (Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax)
The well-formedness of the counterpart of (32) in Portuguese can be given the same explanation, given that auxiliaries in this language can raise to C: (33) Penso terem eles comprado o livro. ' (Amber 1994:1) The raising of the clausemate finite verb/auxiliary is not the only way to support the null affixal C. If it were, the following contrast, cited from Kayne (1994:156), would fall out of our approach. More specifically, in the absence of Aux-to-Comp, the null C should be allowed in neither (34a) nor (34b) (Kayne notes that the same contrast between nonpronominal subjects and pronominal clitics holds in Corsican, too):16 (34) a.
Cf. climbable, piggish, runner) b. *humanal, *humanful, *humanous, *humanship,... (cf. humanness, humanity) The words in (4b) are ill-formed since their word-internal structures are either [[[humanA]- N]ful/shipN] or [[[humanA]- N]-al/-ousAl, where the 'zeroderived' word appears inside a derivational suffix, just like the words in (4a), where overt inflections appear inside derivational suffixes. 2 (5) *[[X+Y]+Z], where X is any element, Y is an inflectional affix, whether overt or null, and Z is a derivational affix.
B. Dutch (Zwart 1994:288): Gekust denk ik niet dat Jan Marie heeft. ' c. Frisian (deHaan and Weerman 1986:78): My sjocht hy oan. ' Then, if the null C in the complement clause were adjoined to the matrix verb, condition (5) would be violated, since the complex word [[< > c +V]+v] would be formed. Therefore, the null C is permitted only if the finite verb is raised to C and supports it, which makes it unnecessary for it to raise to the selecting verb. The Germanic SOV languages differ from Italian and Portuguese in that Vto-C takes place in the matrix clause, as in (39), as well as in the embedded Verb Raising and Null Complementizers 35 clause, as in (40), and that it must co-occur with topicalization to [Spec, C].