Download A Theory of Phrase Markers and the Extended Base by Robert A. Chametzky PDF

By Robert A. Chametzky

This piece of idea development in the govt & Binding (GB) method of syntax specializes in the bottom part and at the nature of word markers. recognized structural evidence approximately C-command, coordinate buildings, adjuncts, and Islands are easily assumed, and a theoretical cause of those structural evidence is constructed. The emphasis is on separating theoretical primitives and deducing implications of those primitives throughout the articulation of an acceptable theoretical structure. virtually completely, issues of coherence, simplicity, and association are used to provide an explanation for structural proof. constitution is the direct aim of concept building, instead of being derived from different concerns.

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Extra info for A Theory of Phrase Markers and the Extended Base

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This will be of some significance to the argument against precedence in Section 2. This concludes the exposition of the standard formalization. < previous page page_5 If you like this book, buy it! 0 In this section, we turn to some alternatives to the standard approach to PMs that have been suggested in the literature. The compass here is fairly narrow, as I only consider alternatives that share basic assumptions about PMs; thus, I do not discuss, for example, Lasnik & Kupin (1977). 7 The alternatives focus on the the issue of discontinuous constituents and their import for syntactic theory and the formalization of PMs.

I am not sure I know just how to understand this idea. " This is clearly not the same as an "empty category" in GB. GB 'empty categories" are phonetically empty, but are absolutely present syntactically, perhaps also (morpho-)phonologically. " Now, it may be that one could show that Kornai & Pullum "empty category grammars" are (formally) equivalent to GB "empty category grammars"; but this they have not done, nor have they indicated that such a move is required. 19 Given this apparent misunderstanding and the convergences noted here, I conclude that Kornai & Pullum (1990) provide no reasons for giving up the Stowellian project carried out by Speas (1990).

This is so because there is no notion of "head of" independent of some version of syntactic theory. Huck (1985: 94) offers one possible way to "define 'head of w' categorially < previous page page_9 If you like this book, buy it! " But, of course, should this definition not pan out empirically, it would naturally be modified or eliminated, as is proper for any substantive linguistic notion. In other words, unlike dominance, this notion of precedence depends on syntactic theory and analysis. More concretely, without the stipulations that y is the head of x and x is the head of a, there is no way to interpret (8) in terms of the HOC.

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